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Occasional notes on politics, history, technology,
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2002: 2003: 2004: 2005: 2006: 2007: 2008: Monday, July 29, 2002, 4:50 pm The Economist and the U.S. Andrew Northrup quotes the Economist, and then adds: I'm a fan of the Economist, although their coverage of the US often seems to be completely confused and wrong-headed (please refer to their coverage of the Clinton-Lewinski nonsense.) I don't read the Economist regularly, and I don't remember what they had to say about Clinton's scandal, but I do remember one article about the US, a few years ago, that made my jaw drop. The subject was a comment by Steven Bochco, creator of the Hill Street Blues TV police show. I can't find the exact words in Google, but it was a comment about smoking on television, approximately as follows: "Nowadays, if you put a cigarette in a character's hand, you're saying that he smells bad and doesn't take care of himself." What Bochco was saying is that the eyes of the audience had changed since the 1960s, and that as a result, a smoking character would be seen negatively. However, the Economist didn't understand it that way. Over in England at the time, cigarette smoking was still the norm and not seen as negatively as in the U.S. Therefore, they assumed that Bochco, rather than commenting on perceptions, was declaring a propaganda war on smoking. So they denounced him! ....Posted by Lawrence Kestenbaum.
Monday, July 29, 2002, 4:30 pm Sam Heldman, in his new labor law blog, commenting on media coverage of the nomination of Texas Supreme Court Justice Priscilla Owen to the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, asks the right questions about any judicial nominee: But the news media so rarely give us the underlying data. Part of the problem -- a big part of the problem, I think -- is that practicing lawyers are understandably cautious about giving frank negative assessments about sitting judges, even when those negative assessments can be accompanied by actual supporting facts. Surely every good appellate lawyer in Texas knows whether Justice Owen understands and applies the basic principles of how to do appellate judging fairly, or not. They could also tell us whether she ever, or often, joins or writes an opinion that is pro-individual rather than pro-corporate in difficult and disputed tort cases; whether she ever, or often, joins or writes an opinion that is pro-defendant rather than pro-government in difficult and disputed criminal cases; or whether on the other hand her vote is nearly always predictable on the cases that divide the Justices. They could tell us, bottom line, whether her judicial opinions conveniently wind up in line with her politics even when it requires lots of fancy footwork to reach that convenient result, or whether they don't. They could give us, even better, specific examples of cases where she's gone out on a limb or ignored the record or ignored precedent in order to reach a result in line with her politics, or they could tell us that nobody can come up with a case where she's done that. Then, further, they could tell us whether, even on cases that involve honestly disputable novel issues of law, she always (or usually or only sometimes) reaches legal views that coincide with the Republican Party's political views; even if this wouldn't necessarily show dishonesty, it is relevant for the legitimate political aspect of the confirmation process. These are the sorts of things what we, and the Senate, need to know, rather than battling spin-quotes from the usual CNN suspects. Unfortunately, I suspect that the current administration would not be very interested in nominating a judge who failed to show absolute adherence to the political outcome, the law and legal principles be damned. Thanks to Nathan Newman for pointing out Sam Heldman's site. ....Posted by Lawrence Kestenbaum. Friday, July 26, 2002, 5:15 pm (updated Saturday 9:09 am) Political Update. In the last couple of days we have gotten dueling polls on the Dingell/Rivers congressional primary. Emily's List released a poll showing the race tied, 47% to 47%. And the Dingell campaign released another one with Dingell leading 50% to 38%. Obviously both pollsters are telling their clients what they want to hear. The Dingell campaign is stressing the "invincible" image, at the risk of keeping its voter base complacent. The Rivers campaign (or in this case an organization supporting Rivers) wants the outcome to be in doubt, so as to best energize its base. These polls serve those goals. What makes the numbers so iffy is the difficulty of determining in advance who is likely to actually vote in the primary. And even after you do your poll, and have a bunch of interviews in hand from people who say they're going to vote, you have to consider how to weight the different parts of the district. Past elections are not a perfect guide to this, because voter turnout notoriously varies widely from place to place and election to election depending on which districts have contested races. Dingell's press release cites figures from the 1998 primary election, when 40,572 votes were cast in the territory of the current 15th District. Of those, 49.5% were cast in Lynn Rivers' current congressional district, 47.1% in John Dingell's district, and 3.2% in areas neither represented (but located near Ann Arbor). The release implies that other polls weight the parts differently. The conservative Detroit News and the liberal Detroit Free Press have both endorsed Dingell. The Ann Arbor News is apparently waiting until the last moment to announce its choice. I still haven't seen any attack ads, but independent groups have been busy. The National Rifle Association has sent out letters to Republicans calling on them to vote for Dingell in the Democratic primary. The Brady Campaign has set up a web site called DingellAndGuns.com which documents Dingell's pro-gun legislative record. And the Coalition to Stop Gun Violence has put up a bunch of billboards supporting Rivers. The Humane USA PAC sent out a mailing with the message emblazoned on the envelope: "URGENT: Animal Advocates Unite for Lynn Rivers for Congress. Dingell is an enemy of animal protection." We also received a card from "Great Women for Dingell," inviting us to a Dingell campaign rally starring Tipper Gore. A fine-print list of dozens of women supporters didn't include any Ann Arbor names that I recognized. Tomorrow morning, the candidates will hold a debate (the only one scheduled), and the Detroit Free Press will release another poll. Update: The Detroit Free Press poll has been released; it shows Rivers leading Dingell 46% to 45% -- a statistical tie. ....Posted by Lawrence Kestenbaum.
Thursday, July 25, 2002, 1:12 am Boston Corner. There are some pieces of territory that are just troublesome, and I don't mean the ones which currently inspire armed conflict. The geography of the United States is so conceptually tidy that it's natural to program one's databases around certain assumptions, for example, that state boundaries are unchanging. Then these obscure little exceptions show up and force you to rethink all that program code. One such exception is Boston Corner, which used to be the southwest corner of Massachusetts. According to The Corner Corner, a remarkable web site about boundary points: The original boundary between Massachusetts and New York created a 1010 acre parcel lying west of the Taconic mountains but belonging to Massachusetts. This area, known as Boston Corner, was difficult to govern due to its remote location. By the early 1850's it had become a haven for outlaws who raided nearby New York counties and then took refuge across the state line. In 1853 Massachusetts ceded a triangular section of land to New York by moving the southwest corner of the state east to its current location. The cession was approved by the U.S. Congress in 1855.Another account has the story as follows: Previous to 1853 the boundaries of Massachusetts included a small district in the southwestern corner, called Boston Corner, that was separated by rugged highlands from the rest of the state. For obvious reasons, this became a resort for desperadoes. This condition finally brought about its transfer to the neighboring state of New York. Still another source mentions prizefighting as part of the problem: Boston Corner was incorporated as a district, April 14, 1838. It then occupied the extreme southwest corner of the State; but being separated from the town of Mount Washington, which was the extreme southwestern town, by a lofty ridge, was physically inconvenient for jurisdiction by the State; and it consequently became the theatre of prize-fighting and other illegal practices. In order to bring it under proper restraint, it was ceded to the State of New York, to which it naturally belonged, May 14, 1853. It contained about 940 acres of land and 75 inhabitants. It was first settled by Daniel Porter, in 1763, or earlier. If you examine a map of the area, you'll notice that a little triangle was snipped off from what might otherwise have been the sharp southwest corner of Massachusetts. That triangle is Boston Corner. I care about this because a Connecticut congressman named William Henry Barnum -- third cousin once removed of famed circus showman P. T. Barnum -- was born in Boston Corner in 1818, when it was still in Massachusetts. And that means that the entry for Barnum in my Political Graveyard web site needs to accurately convey that Barnum was born in a part of Massachusetts which is now in New York -- mentioning Berkshire County (MA), but linking to Columbia County (NY). This came up again today, because I'm working on a new version of the web site. Despite all my prior efforts to get it right, tiny little Boston Corner generated another error message and stopped my program, meaning yet another round of time-consuming code fixes to accomodate this one tiny exception. Incidentally, the Corner Corner web site, mentioned above, also features the Michigan/Indiana/Ohio boundary intersection, in the middle of an otherwise obscure gravel road. It was all covered with snow when I visited the place five years ago. ....Posted by Lawrence Kestenbaum.
Thursday, July 18, 2002, 11:29 pm [deleted] Wednesday, July 17, 2002, 4:00 pm Michigan's gubernatorial race. Here in Michigan, we have a big primary election scheduled for August 6th. No runoffs, so whoever gets the most votes is the nominee. For Governor, conservative Republican incumbent John Engler is term limited at last. His heir apparent is Lt.Gov. Dick Posthumus, who is even further to the right than Engler. Engler is nominally Catholic, but basically a secular figure who allied with the religious right; Posthumus is the religious right. Posthumus is considered to have locked up the Republican nomination, but he is still opposed in the primary by moderate McCain-ite state senator John Schwarz, M.D. There is gloom in GOP circles about Posthumus's chances in November, but so far that hasn't translated into support for Schwarz. Meanwhile, there is a lively Democratic primary with three very well known figures: former Gov. Jim Blanchard, who lost to Engler in 1990 and went on to become U.S. Ambassador to Canada, Attorney General Jennifer Granholm, and U.S. Representative David Bonior. Granholm, the only one to have won a statewide election in the last ten years, is favored and leading in the polls -- but her lead is slipping (more about that later). She has by far the most campaign money, so much that she has opted-out of Michigan's public financing for gubernatorial elections. Some of us have doubts about her given her questionable civil liberties and Internet speech record as Attorney General, and her sponsorship by (and lack of independence from) Wayne County Executive Ed McNamara, a political boss. Some of her supporters imagine her to have almost magical vote getting powers, but a more sober analysis of the 1998 vote shows that she merely held on to the Democratic base, while her then running mates predictably did not. She reversed her position on abortion, becoming pro-choice just in time to get Emily's List money, but is now waffling again. Blanchard is the former governor and well known, but those of us Democrats who remember 1990 still blame him for the arrogance and complacency that lost that election, and gave us twelve years of John Engler. Until just the other day, I didn't know anyone supporting Blanchard who didn't literally receive some appointment from him while he was governor in 1983-90. Blanchard is surely the most reliably pro-choice of the three, but there is much to criticize from his gubernatorial reign, including inept handling of environmental issues and appointment of political hacks to important posts. And besides, the state's economy was terrible under Blanchard, and it dramatically improved as soon as Engler took office. Nominating Blanchard would make the campaign an argument about the economy of twelve years ago, and put Engler/Posthumus in the best possible light. Bonior comes from Macomb County, the fabled home of the socially conservative and economically liberal Reagan Democrats, the suburban white ethnic and Catholic voters who supported John F. Kennedy and Hubert Humphrey in the 1960s, Richard Nixon in the 1970s, Ronald Reagan in the 1980s and Gov. John Engler in the 1990s, while often also voting for Democrats in congressional and legislative races -- and Al Gore in 2000. Back in the early 1970s in the Michigan House, Bonior was a member of the "kiddie caucus" of young liberals: Lynn Jondahl, Howard Wolpe, Perry Bullard, Jeff Padden, Dave Hollister, and others. They all stood out like heroes (at least to me) in the legislature of those days. Bonior won election and re-election in Macomb County in a gloriously counter-intuitive way: not on lunch pail issues, but on the environment. His campaign symbol was a tree, and his campaign volunteers handed out thousands or millions of tree seedlings to voters all over the district. Presumably by now Macomb County has many mature shade trees that started out as Bonior campaign seedlings. Running as the underdog in a three-way primary, he was elected to Congress and eventually rose to the position of Minority Whip. In this position, he was the point man in the Democratic attack on Republican Speaker Newt Gingrich in the mid-to-late 1990s, filing many ethics complaints against him. The Republicans who defended and supported Gingrich back then still see Bonior as a viciously partisan attack dog -- a view not shared by his Macomb County constituents. In election after election, the GOP poured vast resources into defeating Bonior in his district, all to no avail. Labor unions owe Bonior so much for his work in Congress that he has their support without ceding them any control. He also has an outstanding environmental record and the endorsement of all the major environmental groups. Bonior's father-in-law lost his job in a McCarthy-era witchhunt; no surprise that his civil liberties record is excellent. I have mixed feelings about his views on Israel and trade policies, but these are not state issues. More troubling than that is Bonior's record on abortion. "He's neither fish nor fowl," says one of his colleagues; he has gotten ratings in the middle of the scale from the advocacy groups like NARAL and Right-To-Life. Neither side regards him as an ally, indeed, he's on the list of pro-abortion Catholic politicians nominated for excommunication. Essentially he has opposed late-term abortions and some funding measures, while strongly supporting stem-cell research and opposing any constitutional amendment to reverse Roe v Wade. Back in the 1970s and 1980s, a mushy position like this would have disqualified him among pro-choice voters. Medicaid funding for abortions for poor women was a major state issue, an appropriate litmus test for all candidates. Every year, the Legislature would pass a budget with a limit of $1 for Medicaid abortion, and every year, Gov. Milliken or Gov. Blanchard would line-item veto it and permit Medicaid abortions to continue. Anyone running for governor in those days would face the Abortion Question first thing. I remember when a friend and I cornered then-Congressman Jim Blanchard, early in his gubernatorial campaign, and got him to promise that he would veto any and all bans on Medicaid abortion funding. I'm sure he was hearing the same thing at every campaign stop -- his record in Congress had been ambiguous. But finally, in 1988, petition signatures were gathered, the issue was put to a statewide vote, and the voters of Michigan chose decisively to ban spending on Medicaid abortions. Wrong answer, but that was that. I don't think it has mattered since then how the governor feels about abortion funding. Granholm and Blanchard are get-along-go-along types. They have both done plenty of good things, sure, and I'm sure they'd accomplish some more if elected governor. But as politicians, they lack something. They are all too eager to be liked by the pollsters and the powers that be. They are always ready to make the easy but unsatisfactory compromise, at telling people exactly what they want to hear. They are skilled at executing the quick changes in position demanded by one interest group or another, while pretending that nothing has changed, why, that was the way they felt all along. Bonior is as skilled and as nimble a politician as anyone, but he has maintained his independence and principles in a way the other two have not. And that is more important than any particular issue. The abortion issue is an example of that. "I am what I am," he told me, when I quizzed him about this. Granholm wasn't pro-choice either, but she wanted the backing of Emily's List, and so she signed the pro-choice pledge (and then later backed away from it). Granholm has been criticized for her thousands of "yes" votes on Engler policies as the only Democratic member of the State Administrative Board. Granted, she was in an awkward position of having to defend the Republican administration's policies in court, but her seemingly automatic vote in favor of many controversial Republican policies is hard to explain or defend in a Democratic primary. Blanchard, with the residual name-ID from his two terms as Governor, led in the polls at first, but eventually Granholm, the widely acknowledged favorite, caught up and passed him. The latest poll shows Bonior gaining the most, still in third place but only 8 points behind Granholm. The latest dramatic development in the race: Detroit Mayor Kwame Kilpatrick, who was expected to endorse Granholm, announced his neutrality instead. In theory, any of the three could win the primary. If I had to bet, though, I'd bet on Bonior. ....Posted by Lawrence Kestenbaum.
Monday, July 15, 2002, 1:44 am The flood of spam. Since I am something of a public figure, I have never attempted to conceal or obscure my email address. By now, it appears in countless places online, not only on my own web pages, but on Usenet and mailing list posts, guestbook entries, the county's web site, etc. During most of this time, I have usually tolerated the spam email that comes my way. For a long time, my policy was to write complaints about spam only if it was an illegal pyramid scheme or contained threats. Just in the last few months, however, I have become more and more annoyed at the volume of spam. I didn't and don't want to give up my email address, but I now report a lot of my incoming spam to Spamcop (automated service which figures out the headers and generates complaint letters to ISPs). Despite these efforts, the flood has achieved a milestone of sorts: June 2002 was my first thousand spam month. Here are the awful statistics: number of spam emails received by month since January 2000:
Of course, that growth in volume doesn't mean that legitimate businesses have discovered spam; the overwhelming majority is still obvious fraud and scams. Nigerian advance fee fraud is a large and growing presence, as well as medical quackery like penis or breast enlargement, online casino scams, pyramid schemes, loan sharking, etc. A lot of my spam is in Chinese or Korean; I can only guess what those are advertising. If the present rate of growth continues, the quantity of spam will soon be so overwhelming, and the "hit" rate so vanishingly small, that it won't be worth the trouble of sending it, even for scammers. Unfortunately, by the time we reach that point, email will have been destroyed as a communication channel. ....Posted by Lawrence Kestenbaum.
Sunday, July 14, 2002, 9:23 pm [deleted] Friday, July 12, 2002, 4:50 pm Gunderloy's back! I'm glad to report that the Larkfarm Weblog has been restarted in a new version, and is once again highlighting sites of startling bizarrness or fascination. Some recent entries: Strom Watch, with an image of Strom Thurmond's face morphing into a skull, a ticker showing how much time is left in his term, and various helpful tidbits about the Senator, such as: "He holds the record for the longest filibuster in U.S. Senate history at 24 hours and 18 minutes, in opposition to the Civil Rights Act. He began his filibuster by reading the election laws of all 48 states." CRIMINAL DOCKET FOR CASE #: 1:01-cr-00455-ALL, showing the filings (with PDF copies) in the case of Zacarias Moussaoui, the alleged 20th hijacker. The Empathy Belly Pregnancy Simulator, to enable men and teens to experience over 20 medically accurate symptoms and effects of pregnancy. Anyway, there's lots more where those came from, and I'm glad to see they will keep coming. ....Posted by Lawrence Kestenbaum. Friday, July 12, 2002, 4:00 pm I won't stand for this. Strongly agreed with Greg Hlatky's lament over the cheapening of the standing ovation. ....Posted by Lawrence Kestenbaum. Thursday, July 11, 2002, 2:20 pm Political spam? Steve Biener, a Democratic candidate for Congress in Delaware, has a unique campaign strategy. He is doing no fundraising, putting up no signs, buying no television commercials. Instead, he is collecting Delaware email addresses from a variety of sources and sending campaign messages to them. According to Doug Isenberg's column about this (which came to my attention via Declan McCullagh's Politech), the mass mailings provoked complaints and led Biener's ISP to suspend his account. Earlier this year, Bill Jones, a candidate for governor of California in the Republican primary, was unapologetic about the use of spam to promote his campaign. Jones hired a spamhaus, which distributed his message via the usual sorts of tricks, including forged or misleading headers and overseas relays. It didn't reflect well on the candidate. Back in 1999, a New Jersey Republican U.S. Senate candidate, Murray Sabrin, generated quantities of unsolicited campaign emails and got into a nasty fight with anti-spammers. See this Salon article for details. There once was a site called PinkPols, which had an archive of political spam; I'm sorry to see that it's gone. I can't even find it here. Maybe somebody could revive it? Sending mass unsolicited email messages is spam and is always a bad idea for a political campaign. Absent a massive cultural and technological shift, it will always be a bad idea for a responsible mainstream candidate. As Isenberg points out, the First Amendment surely immunizes political messages from any existing or future anti-spam laws in the U.S. But that doesn't mean it's a good tactic for someone who is trying to win an election. Politicians are tempted to spam because, in electoral politics, an opt-in audience is never enough. A political campaign has to communicate effectively to people who might not choose to hear. Radio and television ads are decreasingly cost-effective for this because (1) political ads, if not repeated at saturation levels, are lost in the noise, (2) cable TV and Internet radio have shattered the audience into hundreds of specialized pieces, (3) while broadening the geographic scope far beyond any specific district or constituency. Political campaign web sites serve to preach to the choir, and perhaps provide useful information for a relative handful of highly motivated voters, but are not an effective way to campaign. With hundreds of candidates running for dozens of offices in a typical general election, only the most dedicated and well-informed voter would ever think to seek out campaign sites of people running for for county commissioner. Hence, for the foreseeable future, we politicos must print our messages on old-fashioned paper and distribute them by hand or by postal mail. ....Posted by Lawrence Kestenbaum.
Wednesday, July 10, 2002, 1:56 pm Doug Kelley and the IDPA. Back in 1951, when he was only 22, my friend Doug Kelley founded the International Development Placement Association (IDPA) to place American students in temporary jobs with indigenous organizations and governments in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. This was the forerunner of the Peace Corps. Doug made a pitch to the Ford Foundation for funding, only to be told: "There simply aren't enough young Americans wanting to do that kind of thing." Maybe not as many of orders of magnitude wrong as Bill Gates' 1981 comment that "640K ought to be enough for anybody", but 163,000 Americans have now served in the Peace Corps.
Read his interesting account here. ....Posted by Lawrence Kestenbaum. Tuesday, July 9, 2002, 11:42 pm [deleted] Saturday, July 6, 2002, 6:30 pm Dancing Bear goes interactive? Here's an experimental new feature -- comments! Well, at least access to a special-purpose little discussion board for each item from now on, courtesy of QuickTopic. Update 7/19/2006. Quicktopic has been overrun with spam, so this feature is being discontinued. However, I am saving the actual comments. ....Posted by Lawrence Kestenbaum.
Tuesday, July 2, 2002, 9:12 am [deleted] 2002: 2003: 2004: 2005: 2006: 2007: |
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